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Silicon money: How do tech firms buy influence in Washington?

Industry follows familiar road with junkets

By Anne Broache and Declan McCullagh
Staff Writers, CNET News.com
March 29, 2006 4:00 AM PST

Las Vegas' posh Bellagio resort is home to five bars, seven "fine dining" restaurants and fountains gushing choreographed displays set to music every evening.

It also was home to a cross section of Capitol Hill last year: 13 congressmen, two senators and 65 congressional staffers, plus some spouses and children, got a free trip to the luxury resort, thanks to a technology lobbying group.

Chart
Travel paid by companies
Find out how much tech companies pay to fly Congress members, aides and families to private shindigs and corporate outings. Decide for yourself whether they traveled in economy class.

The Consumer Electronics Association, a trade group with $81.4 million in assets and a $48.3 million annual budget, footed the bill for the trips to the Consumer Electronics Show. Its members include such large companies as Best Buy, Denon, Kenwood, Samsung Electronics, Royal Philips Electronics and Apple Computer.

The Arlington, Va.-based association is hardly alone among technology organizations that try to wield influence in Washington by paying for travel, according to an analysis of congressional records by CNET News.com. In 2005, the technology industry spent more than $460,000 to shuttle Congress and staff members from four key committees to conferences, company tours, meetings with executives and an assortment of other events. Many were private sessions meant for a congressional audience--essentially excuses for off-the-record lobbying--which sought to influence the views of politicians and their aides on pending legislation.

"They have become more recreational and vacation trips, in nature, than official business trips," said Fred Wertheimer, president of Democracy21, a campaign finance reform group. "You don't find a lot of these trips going to middle America in the middle of the winter or to Florida in the middle of the summer."

"If the lobbyist can do everything but pay for the trip and can arrange for the company to pay for the trip, it's the same thing as if you didn't have any restrictions."
Fred Wertheimer, president, Democracy21

There is nothing illegal about free travel, as long as politicians disclose it. And the technology industry, overall, spends less on such trips than do other sectors: According to numbers provided by PoliticalMoneyLine, a company that tracks political spending, tech companies spent only about 3 percent of the $17.2 million on reimbursed congressional travel over a five-year period.

Nevertheless, the recent rash of Capitol Hill scandals--from the indictment of former House of Representatives majority leader Tom Delay to guilty pleas from Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham and lobbyist Jack Abramoff--has heightened scrutiny of the infrequently scrutinized practice of free trips in general. A $70,000 trip that DeLay took to London and Scotland was allegedly paid for by pro-gambling interests, and DeLay's $106,921 trip to South Korea has come under similar scrutiny.

To estimate how often technology companies pick up the tab for members of Congress, News.com analyzed the travel records of two Senate and two House panels that deal with Internet regulation and copyright matters--subcommittees that tend to be the most important for hardware, software and e-commerce businesses to influence. (A total of 81 politicians' travel records were examined; the analysis did not review travel reimbursements to members of dozens of other congressional committees.)

Critics of corporate-funded travel warn that the practice amounts to blatant influence peddling. When a company pays for congressional guests to travel to exclusive resorts or even corporate campuses, "those are not educational experiences; those are corporations trying to get something back for their buck," said Craig Holman, legislative representative for Public Citizen, a Ralph Nader-founded group that favors lobbying reform.

"(Trips to exclusive resorts and company campuses) are not educational experiences; those are corporations trying to get something back for their buck."
Craig Holman, legislative representative, Public Citizen

Especially, that is, when companies pay for first-class airfare and lodging. The National Cable and Telecommunications Association paid $4,465 for airfare, $1,146 for lodging, and $157 for food for Rep. George Radanovich to travel to San Francisco for one or two days last March, according to Radanovich's disclosure report. The California Republican is a member of the House telecommunications subcommittee.

Microsoft, which leads lobbying expenditures among hardware and software companies, is one of the largest spenders on government travel as well. On at least three occasions last year, the software maker sponsored trips for staff members of four congressional subcommittees to New York, Los Angeles and its Redmond, Wash., headquarters.

Microsoft declined to comment on the details of its junkets. "The high-tech industry is still a young industry, and our goal is to educate and hopefully get more to understand the importance of innovation, to see how the industry has grown over the last several years and to experience firsthand the exciting new technologies on the horizon," company spokeswoman Ginny Terzano said.

In their legally required filings about the Microsoft trips, congressional staff members described the activities as fact-finding excursions, policy briefings, company campus visits and "consumer sneak preview" meetings. In November, several staffers were invited to a launch of the company's new Xbox 360 game system, accompanied by a discussion of intellectual-property issues.

In April 2005, Microsoft paid to send one of its sometime legislative foes--Rep. Rick Boucher, a Virginia Democrat--to deliver a speech on telecommunications law reform in Redmond. Boucher has introduced bills that Microsoft opposes, including a proposal for taxes on certain instant-messaging services and another to rewrite the Digital Millennium Copyright Act.

Next page: Golf excursions not allowed 

It's been more than 11 years since the Library of Congress created the Thomas legislative site.

A 1995 law made lobbyist registrations available on the Internet, and the Federal Election Commission makes political spending information available through its Web site.

But one key database has never appeared online: travel reports revealing which corporations are subsidizing travel for politicians, their children and spouses, and congressional aides.

In the Senate, members of the public are permitted to review scanned images of travel disclosures, but only by going to Room 232 of the Hart Senate Office Building in Washington and using its computers.

Senate policy does not require those records--which are already online in PDF form--to be posted to the Web. (Congressional travel recipients have 30 days to file a paper form with the details after the travel takes place.)

The House's system is even more antediluvian. Finding it requires a trek along a dim hallway to a windowless room known as the Legislative Resource Center in the basement of a government building.

As a result, CNET News.com was able to examine congressional travel records only by combing through binders jammed with original filings at the Legislative Resource Center and by reviewing digitized images of paper records at the Senate's Office of Public Records.

Upon request, a Legislative Resource Center staff member will wheel out a metal cart containing at least a dozen thick binders, organized alphabetically by politicians' last names and crammed with copies of mostly handwritten travel disclosure documents. Researchers are permitted to peruse them only one at a time.

The recent spate of scandals may change things. One reform proposal backed by Sen. John McCain would require that travel information be made "available to the public over the Internet." Another bill, sponsored by Sen. Trent Lott, says those details must be "posted on the member's official Web site," though not added to a central database.

"It's really unbelievable that we have this sort of wholly inadequate system," said Craig Holman, a legislative representative for Public Citizen's Congress Watch, a liberal group that advocates lobbying reform. The organization has called for a centralized database containing searchable versions of all travel, lobbying and other disclosure documents.

--Anne Broache and Declan McCullagh

New limit on lobbying: $75 a year per legislator
The New York Times March 17, 2006

End of road for junkets?
The Detroit News March 9, 2006

Cutting pork: Another glitch in the CW right vs left storyline
HuffingtonPost.com February 20, 2006

Where money politics is on the run
The Christian Science Monitor February 16, 2006

Abramoff pleads guilty to 3 counts
The Washington Post January 4, 2006

Congressman resigns after bribery plea
CNN November 28, 2005

Big oil wields ultra deep influence
The Center for Public Integrity December 20, 2004

Tech industry doesn't play political favorites
Associated Press September 13, 2003

Tech industry straddles party politics
PC World March 16, 2001

Tech funds for politics increase
TechWeb November 3, 1998

Money troubles
The Washington Post September 4, 1998


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